An Architectural Analysis of Native American Houses
During the Middle Mississippian Period in the Etowah River Valley

By Jordan Farkas

ANTH 3397
Practicum in Anthropology
Department of Geography and Anthropology
Kennesaw State University
Kennesaw, Georgia

May 12, 2021

Abstract

The Mississippian period lasted from AD 1000-1550. It is divided into three different subperiods: Early (AD 1000-1200), Middle (AD 1200-1375), and Late (AD 1375-1550). Mississippian life, in general, is characterized by a chiefdom form of political organization, large villages located on floodplains near major rivers, single-set post and wall trenched houses, and a subsistence base centered on corn or maize agriculture. Material culture included plain and decorated pottery and triangular-shaped projectile points.

The Middle Mississippian is distinct from the Early Mississippian and Late Mississippian subperiods due mainly to changes in pottery (temper, thickness, form, and decorative motifs) as well as house design, shape, and construction practices. This research focuses on houses during the Middle Mississippian subperiod and how they compare and contrast with those found at both large and small sites. The research focuses on how they were constructed, where they were constructed, perceived differences in summer and winter houses, and what features were found associated with them. It will examine a single house that has been recently excavated at a small village known as the Cummings site located to the west of the City of Cartersville in Bartow County, Georgia. The Cummings house is compared to those found at Etowah dated to the same time period. Etowah was a large regional center located only three kilometers (two miles) to the southeast of Cummings. Both sites have a well-documented Middle Mississippian component which will allow for a fine-grained analysis of house types situated in the Etowah River Valley.

Introduction

This research looks at changes in houses in the Etowah River Valley during the Middle Mississippian subperiod. Specifically, it examines a single prehistoric Native American house that has recently been excavated at the Cummings site (named after the current landowner). The Cummings house is located on a high terrace above Pettit Creek approximately two miles (three kilometers) northwest of the Etowah Indian Mounds in Cartersville, Bartow County, Georgia (Figure 1).

Cummings is the site used for an annual archaeology field school directed by Dr. Terry Powis of the Department of Geography and Anthropology at Kennesaw State University (KSU), Kennesaw, Georgia (Figure 2). For the past four years, investigations at Cummings have included Phase I Shovel Testing and Phase II Testing. It was through Phase II test excavations that the house was located. The house was completely excavated in the winter of 2021 as part of an anthropology practicum course. Less of a focus was placed on the material remains derived from the house floor than on the house shape, design, length of occupation, and construction methods used during the Middle Mississippian subperiod. The analysis of the house, located in a small village like Cummings, is compared to structures at Etowah, the largest site in the region. The intent is to use the comparative data to expose the relationship between large preeminent regional centers like Etowah and smaller sites like Cummings during the height of the Mississippian period.

Background

The Mississippian occupation of the Etowah River Valley spans from AD 1000-1550, when European contact was made between Spanish explorer Hernando DeSoto and the indigenous people living at Etowah. The Mississippian period is divided into three subperiods, Early (AD 1000-1200), Middle (AD 1200-1375), and Late (AD 1375-1550), with the height occurring during the middle subperiod. Mississippian life, in general, is characterized by a chiefdom form of political organization. In these systems, chiefs and their capitals hold religious and economic importance as well as political influence (King 2003). Chiefdom capitals are identifiable during this time by the presence of mounded architecture. Chiefly residences, temples, and other important civic and ceremonial structures were placed on top of these mounds. Large villages are characteristic during the Middle Mississippian, with a mixed subsistence strategy centered around maize agriculture. Other plants and terrestrial herbivores were also utilized. The Etowah River also provided abundant access to aquatic wildlife such as fish, shellfish, and waterfowl. Villages were located on floodplains along major rivers. This settlement pattern is significant as it provided nutrient-rich soil (due to periodic flooding) and therefore served as prime agricultural land to grow maize. The Etowah River Valley, in particular, is the most productive agricultural area in the Ridge and Valley Province, containing soils that are composed of weathered sandstone, shale, and limestone (Hally and Langford 1995).

The Middle Mississippian is distinct from the Early Mississippian and Late Mississippian subperiods due mainly to changes in pottery and architectural practices. Decorative characteristics of pottery in the Etowah River Valley during this subperiod include thick-walled vessels with bold, curvilinear decorative motifs. Vessel forms include bowls, jars, dishes, and bottles. Wooden paddles with carved designs on them were used to create the decorative motifs found on the vessels. This was done by stamping the carved wooden designs on the pottery before they were completely dried. Houses, made using the wattle-and-daub technique, is the most common dwelling style used during this subperiod (Figure 3). Construction methods at this time shifted away from the wall-trench construction pattern used during the Early Mississippian period to a single-set post-wall construction. Therefore, after AD 1200 single-set post buildings became the dominant architectural form (King 2013). This construction method used large wooden posts pounded into the ground or set in pre-dug holes to form the framework of the house. Then smaller wooden limbs (such as rivercane) were used as wattle. The wattle is woven back and forth horizontally in between the upright posts to construct the house walls. These walls would then have been covered/packed in clay to provide insulation. Houses during the middle subperiod would have also been constructed using interior support posts. These interior support posts would have allowed and supported a hip roof design made out of thatch (e.g., long, thick grass). This differs from the early subperiod, whose houses lacked interior support posts and, as a result, had a bent-pole roof design. The Middle Mississippian period also saw a shift in house shape from rectangular, used during the Early and Late Mississippian subperiods, to a square shape with rounded corners.

Methodology

The data collection for this research included a combination of both field and lab work. The fieldwork consisted of Phase III feature excavation. In order to fully expose the floor of the house, a total of 40 units were excavated. Each unit varied in size, with some measuring 1 x 1 meters, 1 x 2 meters, and 1 x 0.5 meters. All units were excavated using a square flat-bladed shovel, pointed round shovel, and a trowel. Each unit was dug in arbitrary levels of 10 cm. During the excavation of units, depth was maintained and controlled using a line level in reference to a master site datum. Soil excavated from each unit was screened through a ¼ inch mesh screen, where diagnostic artifacts such as pottery sherds, chert and quartz flakes, daub, FCR (fire-cracked rock), and projectile points/knives were collected. Artifacts recovered from each unit level were placed into a clear, plastic unit level bag, with the provenience information written on the front using a sharpie. The provenience information included the site name, quadrant number, unit number, feature number, date, and depth below unit datum.

Upon completion of each quadrant and unit, the north, south, east, and west wall profiles were recorded on graph paper to show the stratigraphy of the soil. Soil texture was recorded, along with the soil color, according to the Munsell Color system. Features were mapped along with any artifacts that were found on and around the house floor. Some of the items included pottery sherds, celts and burnt posts found in situ, fallen burnt posts, large concentrations of daub (clay applied to the walls of a house), lithic tools, and other artifacts of interest. The depth at which these mapped features and artifacts was recorded. After the entire house floor was exposed, it was also mapped. All artifacts were packaged in aluminum foil to be analyzed in the lab at a later date. Charcoal samples were collected in aluminum foil, taken from both the exterior and interior burnt posts found in situ. The charcoal samples were sent to the Center for Applied Isotope Studies (CAIS) at UGA for radiocarbon dating. Charred wood samples were also sent to archaeobotanist Leslie Raymer to determine the species of wood used in the house construction. Once the house was fully excavated, a trowel was used to scrape the floor. This was done to make sure the house floor was uniform across all quadrants and was the same depth. Photographs using a digital camera, video camera, and drone were taken. Photographs were taken of all of the in situ artifacts found on the house floor. General excavation photos were periodically taken to document the excavation process.

While the emphasis of the research was excavating the house floor, a limited ceramic analysis was performed in order to date the construction of the house. The analysis was conducted in the Anthropology Lab in the Department of Geography and Anthropology at KSU. It should be noted that a historic site dated to 1925, called the Adams Family House, is located adjacent to the Cummings site. As such, historic artifacts were occasionally found with prehistoric material in the excavation units. In the lab, the first priority was to separate the historic artifacts from the prehistoric. There were approximately 50 two-gallon Ziploc bags that needed to be sorted. The contents of each bag were placed on a tray, with diagnostic prehistoric artifacts, such as pottery sherds and projectile points/knives with an intact base, separated from the historic artifacts. Prehistoric pottery sherds were placed into one bag and any projectile points/knives into a separate bag, with both bags placed into a “parent” bag with provenience information written on the front. The same procedure was followed for the historic artifacts.

To accurately identify and type the pottery sherds and projectile points/knives, they first needed to be cleaned. Using a soft fiber toothbrush and a tub of water, all of the artifacts were cleaned and left to dry for at least a week. Once all of the artifacts were dry, decorated stamped pieces of pottery were separated from the plain ones, transferring the provenience information to the new bag. Decorated pottery sherds were typed using a flashlight and a high-powered microscope. Using Lloyd Schroder’s “A Field Guide To Southeastern Indian Pottery,” a total of 491 pottery sherds were placed into four different groups: Etowah, Savannah, Wilbanks, and Unanalyzable. Etowah was composed of three subgroups: Etowah Complicated Stamped, Etowah Brushed, and Etowah Simple Stamped. Savannah was composed of two subgroups: Savannah Check Stamped and Savannah Cord Marked. Wilbanks was only composed of Wilbanks Complicated Stamped. The Unanalyzable pottery group was composed of plain pottery, Lamar, Dunlap Fabric Impressed, Deptford Complicated Stamped, and Deptford Simple Stamped pottery sherds too small to comfortably type. Unfortunately, time ran out before an analysis of the 20 projectile points could be made.

Results

The results of the field and lab work indicate that the Cummings house dated to the Middle Mississippian subperiod. The size of the house measured 4.9 m (16 ft) east-west by 4.65 m (15.25 ft) north-south, or approximately 23 square meters (75 ft) (Figure 4).

The height of the house is unknown but may have stood 2-3 meters (6.5-9.8 ft) high based on ethnohistoric accounts. The doorway or entrance into the house at Cummings is also unknown but there is a large enough gap between posts in the southwest area of the house to preliminarily state this was the original access point. Further work is needed to confirm this notion. Evidence on the excavated floor indicates that the house had burned down, which is demonstrated by the large concentrations of daub and the burned posts found in situ (Figure 5).

The shape of the house is square with rounded corners. It was constructed using a single-set post wall construction, with at least four interior support posts. The interior support posts supported a hip roof design. The house is oriented between 8°-18° east of north. An oval hearth is centrally located in the house and recessed in the floor. It measured about 50 cm in diameter, and has a depth of about 15-20 cm.

Analysis of charred post samples from our archaeobotanist indicated the building material of both the exterior and interior posts was pine, most likely sourced locally. The radiocarbon date provided by the Center for Applied Isotope Studies (CAIS) at UGA gave a very narrow date range of AD 1260-1300 for the construction date of the house. This indicates that the house was built at the height of Etowah during the Middle Mississippian subperiod.

As was mentioned earlier, a total of 491 pottery sherds were examined. Eighty-six of these were successfully typed: seven were typed as Etowah Plain; five were typed as Etowah Complicated Stamped; one was typed as Etowah Brushed; and one was typed as Etowah Simple stamped. Thirty-nine pottery sherds were typed as Savannah. Thirty-eight sherds were typed as Savannah Check Stamped, and one was typed as Savannah Cord Marked. Forty sherds were typed as Wilbanks Complicated Stamped (Figure 6). The remaining 405 pottery sherds were typed as Unknown.

Other interesting artifacts excavated from the floor include two partial effigy pots, both of which seem to depict a bird/dog/deer on them. The base of a spittoon-style tobacco smoking pipe was excavated from around the hearth. A small broken ground stone spatula, possibly used for mixing food(s), and two greenstone celts were excavated from the northeast corner of the house (Figure 7).

Discussion

 Archaeological evidence such as the burned floor and posts, along with large concentrations of daub, indicates that the Cummings house had burned down. It is not clearly understood how this event unfolded, but there are possible cultural and natural phenomena that could explain it. The most likely natural cause is that the house was struck by lightning, causing the house to burn down. Culturally speaking, there are several possible explanations for the house’s destruction. One idea revolves around the notion that one of the occupants living in the house died and, as a result, the house might have been burned intentionally as part of a burial ceremony. Alternatively, a cooking accident at the hearth may have caused the house to burn down.

Another explanation is that the house might have been burned as a result of conflict or warfare. With villages in the valley reaching peak density during the Middle Mississippian subperiod conflict may have been inevitable given increased competition for land and resources. This may be tied to the political leaders at Etowah who may have had the occupants of this house, among others at Cummings, to vacate the area and move further away. This removal may have been an attempt by the leaders at Etowah to control the ever-growing population in the Etowah River Valley (Adam King, personal communication, 2021). If this was indeed the case, then perhaps the occupants living in the house at Cummings would have burned the house upon their departure from the area. The presence of artifacts on the burned floor of the house suggests that the occupants did not have much time to retrieve them once the fire consumed the house. It should be pointed out that the artifacts might have been purposefully left in situ as they were no longer needed wherever a new house was to be constructed. 

The length of occupation for those living in the house at Cummings is currently unknown. Due to this research being preliminary and limited to only one excavated house, it is unclear whether this was a long-term or short-term occupation. During the Middle Mississippian subperiod, permanent occupation is associated with “paired winter and summer houses” (Lewis 2013). Both houses would have been situated very close to one another so that a single family could move easily between them when the seasons changed. Given that it took 4-5 months to excavate the floor, the seasonality of the house was the only thing not determined relating to the length of occupation. The presence of a hearth is used as one of the indicators of a winter house, and the absence of a hearth is used as one of the indicators of a summer house. A winter house is typically defined as having a central hearth used as the heating source during the cold months but also served as the cooking area. The number of walls is also another indicator of seasonality during this period, with winter houses being fully enclosed (with four walls) and being utilized during the colder months. The type of houses utilized during the warmer months would have been an “open-walled shelter suggesting (with only three walls) that it is a summer house or outdoor activity area” (Lewis 2013). Due to the presence of a central hearth, it is believed that the Cummings house was occupied during the winter months.

Due to the distribution and location of artifacts recovered from the floor, there does not appear to be any discernible activity areas or partitioning of space within the house. Of interest, most of the artifacts were found around the interior perimeter of the house, with very few found in close proximity to the hearth. However, a few artifacts have been recovered that give a general idea of some of the activities the occupants may have been engaged in. The stone celts, effigy vessels, and the broken tobacco smoking pipe suggest rituals may have occurred inside the house. The spatula and pottery vessels found on the floor may point to food preparation and storage. Cooking food inside a house at this time may have been fraught with problems – the main one being that embers could cause a fire inside the structure. Two styluses, or drawing implements, made from ground slate or andesite, along with pieces of galena and carved mica may indicate that the occupants were engaged in art-related activities. In areas where there were no artifacts may reflect where sleeping occurred. We have found no posts located near the house interior walls to indicate that benches were used for sleeping.

In terms of dating the house, there are two lines of evidence that securely date it to the middle subperiod. A single radiocarbon date of AD 1260-1300 provided by the Center for Applied Isotope Studies at UGA, as well as the typing of 86 sherds combine to provide an accurate temporal assessment of when the house was occupied. For the dating of the ceramics, a reliance on changes over time in decorative motifs, was utilized. However, it should be pointed out that while analyzing sherds identified as Etowah, Savannah, and Wilbanks Complicated Stamped types it became evident that there are no real recognized decorative differences between the three types. Today, archaeologists who work with the Middle Mississippian subperiod do not recognize differences between Etowah, Savannah, and Wilbanks ceramic types. This is because when they were initially identified in the 1950s there were personal relationship issues between the principal investigators conducting research in north Georgia, which resulted in the same decorative stamp being labelled as three different types. Therefore, everything that has a curvilinear stamped design is now typed as Wilbanks Complicated Stamped.

Archaeobotanist Leslie Raymer indicated that the building material used for the exterior and interior posts was pine wood. However, the horizontal building material used for the woven material (wattle) in between the exterior posts is still unknown. None of this building material was excavated, and it is likely that none of it survived when the house was burned down. It is believed that this material most likely would have been river cane. This would have been very easily sourced from along the banks of Pettit Creek and/or the Etowah River. The clay walls of the house would have been smoothed with a maximum thickness of about 15 cm. The material used for the roof is also unknown at this time but most likely would have been constructed using thatch. This type of roofing material would have needed constant upkeep as any holes or leaks in the roof appeared. It may have also needed to be periodically replaced as it was also common for these roofs to become infested with bugs and other insects.

Conclusions

In sum, the Cummings house is a square, single-set post construction with rounded corners that measures 4.9 m east-west by 4.65 m north-south, covering 23 square meters (75 sq ft). Our investigations indicate that, based on the house excavated at Etowah, the house at Cummings appears to be domestic in nature. Importantly, the size and shape of the Cummings house mirrors that at Etowah, which King (2001) labelled as a “square, single-set post building with rounded corners that measured 15 feet on a side”. The inhabitants living in the house that Adam King refers to is perceived as high status due to “their location adjacent to Mound B” and that the “inhabitants may have been of elevated status” (King 2001). Were the inhabitants of the house at Cummings of similar high status to those at Etowah or is the size and shape of the house at Cummings standard at all village sites within a certain distance from Etowah? Exactly what this means in terms of the relationship between the two sites is not known. Etowah is the largest site in the area and Cummings is in close proximity and therefore believed to have been under its social, political, economic, and religious authority/influence. Given that both sites share a similar house architecture/construction may signify some kind of close relationship; however, more research in other areas (e.g., village layout, diet and subsistence practices, material culture) related to these houses is needed to determine the exact nature of this relationship. Our fieldwork has demonstrated that the Cummings house was occupied during the winter months but we do not yet know if the village was occupied year-round like Etowah. Therefore, the length of occupation of the Cummings house (and village site) is still considered preliminary.

Future directions for this study could include further excavations around the site. The use of dowsing at Cummings by Carl Etheridge (of Bartow County) has indicated the presence of another dozen or so houses located at this village site. The excavations of these potential houses could help answer questions about whether there is a summer house that is paired with the excavated winter house. Beyond intra-site information about the village layout is the level of interaction with Etowah and other nearby sites. Another area of interest is a complete and thorough analysis of all of the artifacts found in situ on the floor of the house at Cummings. This analysis will help us to understand what kind of activities were taking place inside the house. As of yet, we do know the answer to that.

Acknowledgements

This research would not have been possible without the help and support from a number of people, including Dr. Terry Powis, Carl Etheridge, Kong Cheong, Devlin McElrone, Bryan Moss, Stan Tan, and Leslie Raymer. The Center for Applied Isotope Analysis at UGA is thanked for providing the radiocarbon date of the house post. Lastly, and most importantly, the landowners of Walnut Grove deserve a special acknowledgement for allowing Kennesaw State University to conduct archaeological research on their property.

Bibliography

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Georgia Laboratory of Archaeology, Athens.

King Adam. 2001. “Long-Term Histories of Mississippian Centers: The Developmental

Sequence of Etowah and Its Comparison to Moundville and Cahokia.” Southeastern

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Swamp Site, Cherokee County, Georgia. Retrieved May 12, 2021.

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By:  Sanford Chandler, Ed.D.

I received a note from Mr. Ronnie Yancey asking for my assistance.  Mr. Yancey was attempting to visit the burial site of one of his relatives in an abandoned cemetery behind Toyo Tire Manufacturing, Company.   He asked if I could assist him in gaining access to the site. 

            Making a few calls and emails to friends, I finally gained approval to visit the site.  It was through one of these calls I discovered that Carl Etheridge had completed the original Cemetery Survey in 2003.¹   My next call was to Carl.   We arranged to meet and visit the Cemetery together. 

Carl and I met in the parking lot of the Hickory Log Personal Care Home.  A modern brick facility that in many ways carries on the tradition of assisting those less fortunate in our community.  

Carl had not been back to the Cemetery since 2003, when the survey was completed.  By the time we arrived on the site most of the original land marks, roads into the area, and surrounding forest had changed.  It was evident that Mother Nature was taking back that which was hers.  

 I found myself pushing through brambles and briars, ducking under low hanging limbs, jumping over drainage ditches, and stepping over fallen tree trunks as we searched for the cemetery on a beautiful crisp fall day.  The sky was splattered with Cumulous clouds and the sun forced its rays through the trees and onto the forest floor. 

 Maneuvering along the lower slopes of Little Pine Log Mountain, I couldn’t help but think how this Mountain, in the not too distant past, was teeming with mining activity.  Today these industrious activities have given way to Mother Nature’s reclamation.

 The once prominent light-rail track moved load after load of mined materials from the mountain to White.   The numerous community buildings, connective roadways, and mining camps all in support of the substantial mining industry were all gone, reclaimed by nature.

 After a few minutes of orienting ourselves, Carl called out, “it’s over here!”  The pioneer era cemetery came into view.  It was located along one of the lower slopes of the mountain in a somewhat flattened slope.  It was bordered by and abandoned roadway and a pasture.  To the North was a chain link fence separating the cemetery and the mountain from a large manufacturing company.  When the cemetery came into focus I could see the depressions and fieldstone markers—they were too numerous to get a quick count.  

Unable to make a complete count of the graves, Carl pulls out his 2’ x 3’ map and said, “I found 483 graves here in 2003!”  I was shocked.  The original survey revealed the location of 166 grave sites identified by depressions and fieldstone markers and another 317 by remote sensing and probing.  This was the largest abandoned cemetery I have ever seen.   This was what was and still is called “The Paupers Cemetery.”  Individuals have referred, incorrectly, as the Poor House Cemetery, Hickory Log Cemetery, Bartow County Farm Cemetery, among other identifiers.

 The records from the Bartow County Farm or Pauper House were transcribed by Jane B. Thompson and Laurel Baty.  It is from this transcription that I began uncovering the personal stories of some of those living, dying, and laid to rest on the Farm.²                           

The Cemetery is a two acre set-aside of the original 330 acre Bartow County Farm (Farm)— the Paupers or Poor Farm by most all references and I will use the term Farm to describe the institution herein. 

 The Farm itself is a pre-welfare institution.  These institutions were literally spread across the nation and were the conduit whereby the communities, cities, and counties assisted those unable to care for themselves.   Bartow was no exception.  The Farm provided support and assistance to widows, orphans, single mothers and children, the aged, those who were mentally ill, and those with highly contagious diseases. It was not until the early 1930s that the nation, as a whole, began to discover the substantial need for a national system to care for these individuals.  Senator Paul Douglas, seemingly convinced of the need stated, “The impact of all these forces increasingly convinced the majority of the American people that individuals could not by themselves provide adequately for their old age(d) and that some form of greater security should be provided by Society.”

Disease was prominent in these institutions during the19th and early 20th Centuries.  The Farm records reveal numerous payments to physicians and others for the care of individuals housed there.

Small Pox had a dramatic effect on the individuals, the economy, and families of the area.⁷  An article written by Matthew Gramling gives a precursor of what Bartow County would face in just a few short years dealing with Small Pox.

Those contracting the deadly Small Pox among other diseases were sent to the Farm or to the Pest House^2,3 at Stilesboro.  Records reveal that in order to treat, house, and care for these individuals it became a substantial expense.  It is thought that many of the unidentified souls interred in the Paupers Cemetery were victims of Small Pox or other contagious infections.              

The Farm itself was established in the1860s and originally consisted of “a number of stark wooden frame row houses that were built side by side.”  “A nearby open cut ore mine was also named the Pauper Mine.  Mineral rights…were reserved by several ore companies.” ⁴ The Farm also included a building serving as a church.

The connection between the Farm and the Pest House or Pest Hospital in Stilesboro— some 17 miles distant—is omnipresence in the Farm records.  Small Pox was prevalent between 1866 and 1871 and, in fact, the Farm recorded on “October 3, 1870, a receipt to the RRd for $18.00 for tent for use of Small Pox Hospital.”   It may be assumed that the tent was some temporary measure to assist with the overflow of patients. 

The Farm records help to measure the severity Bartow County faced with this horrible disease.  The Farm provided medical services, courier, supplies, guards, and nursing to the Pest House and the records indicate that the Farm took the financial lead.  Although the Farm was not immune to having cases within its own confines, most seem to have been transferred to the Pest House from the Farm.  Several cases were found in Farm records and medical services that were required to treat the disease.

 Those individuals unfortunate enough require the assistance of the Farm ranged in age from 7 months to 91 years.  These individuals were called inmates on the Farm and throughout the records are referred to as such.  The Farm itself is recorded as being called the Pauper or  Poor Farm.  The inmates’ average age was 46.6 years and in 1872 it cost approximately $92.00 per year to care for each inmate.   Whites, blacks, women, men, and children, at some point, occupied space on the Farm.  Those who could work did so on the farm. Being destitute played no favorites and individuals from all ages and backgrounds came to the Farm for assistance. 

Death came in many forms on the Farm.  Pneumonia is recorded on at least one death certificates and Robert Campbell died from a snake bite. His obituary reads:

 “We are informed by Mr. W.J. Collins, keeper of the pauper farm, that Robert Campbell, an aged inmate of the Bartow poor house, was bitten by a rattlesnake Monday afternoon about four o’clock.  After lingering in the greatest agony he died at 12 o’clock on the same night.”  The snake was about four feet long and had eleven rattles.”⁵  Robert was interred in the Paupers Cemetery.⁶

 At least one baby was delivered on the Farm and quite possibly more but the records simply don’t record but one such incident.  The baby was delivered during the month of February 1872.  The receipt reads.  “To Mrs. M. Ford for 1 case of midwifery—5.00.”  There is no evidence that the child was conceived on the Farm but it is possible as some families were housed there as well as individuals.  Or, she may have come to the Farm for assistance in delivery which in all probability was the case. 

 At least three (3) mothers were left with the difficult decision as to what they were to do with their babies and small children.  Some of the more fortunate were able to turn to their relatives while others found the Farm as a respite.  At least three are documented as giving away their children.² 

 One mother gave up her daughter to J.D. Enlow.  The farm records state, “Mother, who is inmate at Pauper Farm consents that her daughter, Martha Brown, should be bound to J.D. Enlow until she is 21.”  There is no record of the age of Martha Brown. 

Another mother, Jane Barnes, “authorizes me to say that she is willing for her child to be bound to Martha Jones.” 

 The Cofer family which consisted of a husband, wife, and two children gives notice to “Eveline Cofer, next of kin” but fell short of revealing what might have befell the family.  However, by July 1, 1878, the records show that “Lindsey Johnson has applied to have Matthew Cofer a minor in the Pauper farm of said county and about eight years of age bound to him in terms of the statue.”

 The hardships of the inmates prior to, during, or following their tenure on the Farm was taken with them to their graves.  Life stories, diaries, or other written documents have escaped recording.  We will forever wonder about their fates, suffering, and the feelings they must have held as inmates.  In many cases these individuals were branded as morally unfit by the communities, outcasts if you will.  This is not to say that many didn’t overcome their situations but we simply do not have a record of this.

 The Cemetery Records⁶ of the Pauper’s Cemetery and actual Death Certificates reveal short stories of how some of the inmates lived and died.  All were interred in the Paupers Cemetery.

1.  May Brinkley, a single white female, age 18.  She was attended by H.B. Bradford, M.D. from June 22, 1921 through July 22, 1921.  The official death certificate stated that she died at 1:00 PM July 22, 1921 from “Syphilis and Pellagra.”  Pellagra was a Niacin deficiency which leads to horrible, debating skin symptoms.  The cause of the disease was most evident when the diet consisted of Corn Meal, Molasses, and lesser desirable cuts of meat.  Ms. Brinkley has no record of a birth date or other family members, nor why she was on the Farm.
2.  Albert Absolan Nation, a single white male, age 63 was attended by H.B. Bradford, M.D.  He was born in 1856 to Jesse and Lucretia Johnson Nation who were living in Murray County, Georgia.  He was under the care of Dr. Bradford from January 5, 1920-January 18, 1920.  He died on January 21, 1920 of “Broncho-Pneumonia, Pleurisy Right Side.”
3.  Pamelia W Crosson (Crossen), a single white female, age 72.  She was attended by H.B. Bradford, M.D. on March 25, 1921.  She passed away at 1:00 AM on March 26, 1921.  The cause of death as reported by Dr. Bradford was,  “Burn of anterior and posterior of arms, legs & body of 2nd degree.”  Ms. Crosson’s brother, William, was interred in the Paupers Cemetery in September 14, 1920.  He was 77 years old.  Several of Ms. Crosson’s family members were interred in cemeteries in Coffee County.  Little more is known as to why she and her brother were on the Farm.

The Paupers Cemetery is home to some 483 graves.  We simply do not know the actual number of individuals that passed through the Farm or gained some type of short term assistance.  Some went on to be successful in their own right while others are interred on the slope of Little Pine Log Mountain. 

Their stark graves marked by fieldstone or a simple depression in the ground is all the record we have of them. Hopefully, someday someone will uncover more information regarding these individuals so they can be named and recognized as our ancestors with the humanity and dignity they deserve. 

Appendix A – Deaths and Burials

Find-a-Grave list five (5) memorials in the Paupers Cemetery, and two (2) in the Pest House Cemetery.⁶ The individuals listed on this site are:

Paupers Cemetery (AKA Bartow Poor Farm Cemetery)

Name	Birth Date	Death Date	Burial
Brinkley, May	Unknown	22 July 1921	Paupers
Campbell, Robert	Unknown	17 August 1878	Paupers
Crossen, Pamelia W	1848	26 March 1921	Paupers
Crossen, William Thoma	16 February 1843	14 September 1920	Paupers
Nation, Albert Absolam	1856	21 January 1920	Paupers

Pest House Cemetery

Name	Birth Date	Death Date	Burial
Ash, Maring An Stroup	15 August 1829	7 July 1863	Pest House
Knight, Joshua	1794	10 May 1849	Pest House

Paupers Cemetery (AKA Bartow Poor Farm Cemetery)

Note:  These individuals were obtained from the Bartow County Farm Records by the Author.  Corroborating evidence is not presented.  The two sources of the following information was taken from the Farm records or from obituaries found in newspapers. 

18 January 1872 Name11 December 1872 Name	Birth Date	Death Date	Burial
Emerson,	Unknown	5 November 1867	Paupers
Hammond,	Unknown	December 1868	Paupers
Mitchell, Ben	Unknown	8 June 1870	Paupers
Howell,	Unknown	22 July 1871	Paupers
Freedman,	Unknown	29 October 1872	Paupers
Gibson, L.	Unknown	21(29) October 1872	Paupers
Goodson, Mathew	Unknown	11 December 1872	Paupers
Hazel, Wm	Unknown	18 January 1872	Paupers
Wilson, Baby	Unknown	30 September 1872	Paupers
Hill, M.T.	Unknown	2 September 1873	Paupers
Campbell, Robert	Unknown	22 August 1878	Paupers
Felton, Lucy	Unknown	16 (14) September 1880	Paupers
Donald, Johnnie	Unknown	6 September 1888	Paupers
Doyle,	Unknown	7 November 1889	Paupers

Appendix B – Transcribed Farm Records

 Graves were dug, coffins made, bodies shrouded, and burials were recorded in the Farm Records.  The records do not always coincide with the death of individual on the Farm but all these records were paid through Bartow County Farm resources and all are assumed to be for individuals residing at the Farm.  The full extent of the deaths and burials may never be known. 

November 5, 1867 – Funeral Expenses, $10.00. Last name unclear.  This Emerson.
March 2, 1869 – Receipt to I.O. McDaniel & T.C. Moore Furnishing Hammond & Family paupers House, wood, provisions and attendance—$6.00; ?? & other burial expenses Hammond—$3.00; Coffin-3.00; December 1868.
June 8, 1870 –  Pay to J.C. Roper for expenses of burying Ben Mitchell, Pauper.
July 1870 – To J.C. Roper.  Digging grave for Ben Mitchell Pauper, $2.50; Shrouding for the same, $5.00; making coffin for the same, $5.00; burying, $2.50.
December 3, 1870 – Receipt To J.L. Dysart” for making one coffin.
January 4, 1871 – Pay to Samuel Pitts for expenses burying Pauper Child of Lucy Rodgers.
July 22, 1871 – Receipt to W.C. Grasham to nursing Howell a Pauper from Saturday until Wednesday, 5 days a 2$ pr day—$10.00; to furnishing coffin for same $6.00; to digging grave and burrying-2.50; killed near Stilesboro on 29th April 1871.
January 18, 1872 – Order to pay Cartersville Car Factory a& B.A. $10.00 for “one coffin & box for Wm Hazel, Pauper.
September 30, 1872 – Pay to Anthony Smith for materials and making coffin for body of  child of Mary Wilson.
November 8, 1872 – Receipt to J.B Britton for making a coffin (Pine Log).
Oct 29, 1872 – Pay to Wm. Goldsmith for one coffin for Freedman Pauper on Sept 10, 1872.
October 29, 1872 – Pay to Wm. Gouldsmith for one orrin for L. Gibson, Pauper on Oct 21, 1872.
December 11, 1872 – Pay to Joseph Davis to defray funeral expense for Mathew Goodson, Pauper.
May 6, 1873 – Pay to McDonald & Branton for burial of Pauper.
May 6, 1873 – Pay to Gilbert & Baxter, agts. for graves for Pauper farm.
May 6, 1873 – Pay to Wm. Goldsmith for coffins for Paupers.
September 2, 1873 – Pay to A. Robin for coffin and to Wyley Harbin for burial  expenses for M.T. Hill, Pauper.
October 7, 1873 – Pay to Wn. Goldsmith for coffins for Paupers.
September 16, 1880, p2, Cartersville Express Newspaper, transcribed by Laurel Baty. Mr. W.J. Collins,                                     superintendent of the pauper farm informs us that one of the paupers, Lucy Felton (col) died Tuesday morning.  He also says the general health of the paupers is good and reports the farm in good condition.  There are now sixteen paupers at the farm.”

NOTE:  The Farm records reveal that 116 individuals had some type of documentation during the tenure of the Bartow County Farm.  We simple do not know the full extent of those who lived, were housed there, or died there.

For more information about the former Bartow County Poor Farm and Hickory Log School click here.

Sources:

1. Carlton G. Etheridge, Investigative Survey Report, County Farm Cemetery, 9Br1048, Circa 1868-1945, October 2003.
2. Transcribed and Compiled by Jane B. Thompson & Laurel Baty, Bartow County USGenWeb Project, Pauper Farm Records, 2007. https//gabartow.org/Pauper/pauper/Records.shtml
3. Donna Coffee, Etowah Valley Pilgrimage, Blogging in a time of Pestilence, April 2, 2020. 
4. Joe F. Head, EVHS VP & Dr. Michelle Haney (Berry College), Etowah Valley Historical Society, Hickory Log School (Former County Poor Farm Property Legacy. Research Courtesy of the Etowah Valley Historical Society.
5. Transcribed by Laurel Baty, The Free Press, Cartersville, Georgia, August 22, 1878, p 3.
6. www.findagrave.com, Paupers Cemetery, Bartow County, Georgia.
7. Matthew Gramling, A Public Health Crisis in Antebellum Bartow County, Etowah Valley Historical Society, 2020.       

By: Joe F. Head

Georgia’s chain gang system operated for almost 100 years and in certain instances concealed ghastly conditions that eventually earned it an infamous reputation for hotspots of dark brutality. Unfortunately, Bartow County equally caught high profile attention regarding cruel convict treatment. Periodically, Bartow camps became the epicenter of several state investigations that were featured in a national magazine, courts and major newspapers.

Following the Civil War southern states were faced with widespread destruction including the collapse of the penal system. Georgia was in shambles in the wake of war and particularly the loss of penal facilities, jails and prisons at local and state levels.

As southern states began to dig out of ruin there was little infrastructure left to manage incarcerations. In the Journal of the Georgia Senate Minutes on November 1866 page 24 – 27 a lengthy description appears describing the poor condition of the war ridden state penitentiary and great frustration in how to deal with prisoners. As a solution the penal system turned to a convict chain gang model that did not require brick and mortar facilities. This system operated on a field-based camp method and offered immediate advantages on several levels. It reduced the need to maintain prisoners and delayed the need to fund and build penitentiaries. Further it farmed out prisoners to supervised hard labor camp sites that provided imprisonment, discipline, food and shelter. Furthermore, it served as a divisive replacement for lost slave labor under the “colors of state law.” Typically, discipline was conducted with a strap and more severe methods were used for greater offenses.  Each camp had an appointed “whipping boss” who carried out punishments. One report listed 112 registered whipping bosses statewide. The state maintained an annual whipping roster by name of prisoner that was filed with the state.

Joseph Brown, Georgia’s former Civil War Governor was one of the first to take advantage of the Convict Lease System. He contracted for 300 convicts and struck a deal with the state to rebuild the war damaged railroad system and, in doing so, made a fortune.

In 2006 the author of this research received correspondence from William A. Crump, Ph.D, Georgia State University Criminal Justice Instructor and former Assistant Commissioner of Operations, Georgia Department of Corrections. He addressed the origin of the convict lease system and the convict camp north of White in a topic entitled, Who Changed the Landscape of Bartow County Around White, Georgia.

His brief mentions that the convict lease system began in 1868 when the Georgia Military Provisional Governor, General H. Ruger implemented a law which permitted the farming out of the Georgia Penitentiary. On May 11, 1868 he leased 100 Negroes to William A. Fort of Rome to work in railroad construction, thus beginning the institution.

Soon following the launch of the convict lease system conditions became ill managed, notorious and corrupted. It was designed to relieve the state from shouldering the expense of convict upkeep with a deliberate revenue intent. The state invited bids from private interests to lease chain gangs for hard labor in mines, logging, railroad construction, sawmills, turpentine and other industries. As a side bar, many leases were let to third party private contractors who then managed the gangs for a client such as a mining company. These arrangements became breeding grounds for neglect, mismanagement, inhumane treatment, exploitation, disease and brutality. The chain gang lease system became a convenient revenue for the state, means to “legally press the underprivileged into bondage as well as a discreet tool to continue racial bias and a method to fuel cheap labor.” Records indicated that in most camps black convicts were largely the greater percentage of the population. However, some camps were more segregated.

The chain gang model approved camps at the state or county level for public works and private lease. However, as an unexpected outcome a third level of camps surfaced called “Wild Cat Camps.” These were largely unauthorized chain gangs that were assembled in counties from inappropriate conscriptions drawn from local jails. Unfortunate victims were shanghaied by various landowners or industries. Fines, bails and bribes would be paid by discreet individuals who removed jailed prisoners in chains to work for the period of their confinement. However, it was rare for the prisoners to be released on time or they fell to worse fates.  These gangs were unregulated, ruthless and became dark operations that were outside the color of law. State officials struggled with these camps and attempted on many occasions to disband their existence.

Understanding the Chain Gang history in Bartow County is rather elusive and sketchy as camp identities were confusing. Basically, camps came and went over the years and were operated under nicknames or simply assigned a number. It was often difficult to determine if they were county, state, leased or wildcat operations. Camps were either mobile or stationary depending on the work and often their identity was determined by their duty.

Bartow County entrepreneurs were quick to take advantage of the lease system establishing a long history of operating a variety of chain gangs throughout the county. Primarily these early chain gangs replaced former slave labor in the construction of laying track, building roads, mining, timber and agriculture toil. Prior to the Civil War it was not unusual for local slave owners to lease their slaves to businesses in return for contract fees.  Records found in this research reflect the presence of penal or incarcerated chain gangs operating from the early 1870’s through the early 1940’s. 

Accounts discovered in this study reveal that Bartow had at least fifteen or more known residential chain gang camps and many other temporary or mobile camps that existed over seven decades. According to census reports most camp populations ranged from about 15 convicts to over 100 in each location. Camps were classified as either private lease for business or state/county operations for public projects. It was not determined in this study if Bartow had unauthorized wild cat camps.  After the state lease system for private business interests was abolished in 1908, camps continued, but only as county and state operations. It was not unusual to see county or state chain gang road crews through the 1960’s.

The camps identified in this research were primarily stationary or residential camps as found in the US Census records, Grand Jury reports and newspaper articles.

Hall Station Road Camp	(1870’s, Between Kingston and Adairsville on Hall Station Road)
Cartersville & Van Wert RR Camp	(1870’s, West of Cartersville adjacent to Hwy 113 to Taylorsville)
Rogers Station Camp	(1870’s, Proximity of Iron Belt Road and Cassville Road, 100+ convicts)
Bartow Iron Works  Camp	(1875, Lake Point Station area 50 to 150 prisoners)
Sugar Hill Camp(s)	(1880 -1908, NE Bartow County east of 411 north of White – 50 to 124 prisoners)*
Camp Bartow	(1900, Misdemeanor at Sugar Hill)*
Chumler Hill Mining Camp	(1901, 24 prisoners off highway 20)
Pine Log Camp	(1900, Area camps and possibly including Sugar Hill Camps 119 prisoners)*
Numbered County Camps	(1900, Area camps and possibly including Sugar Hill Camps 119 prisoners)*
Cartersville City Camp #2	(1910, Lee Street and West Cherokee/Market Street proximity, 20 convicts)
Taylorsville	(1910, Taylorsville, 8 convicts)
Kingston Camp	(1906, Quartered in old school)
Pauper Farm	(1912, North of White on Hwy 411, 9 inmates)
Wolf Pen	(1912, 35 inmates)
Cross Roads Camp/ “Whites” GA	(1918, Camps 1 & 2 were merged and located to Adairsville, 27 inmates)
Chain Gang Hill Camp	(1940’s West of Ingles on Hwy 113 past ACE Hardware at top of hill, 34 – 96 convicts)

According to the 1900 US Census the largest number of convicts was consistently centered in the Bartow convict camp around Pine Log District with 119 prisoners which may have included the Sugar Hill Mining Camp. Other camps recorded in the 1900 census ranged between 10 and 50 prisoners. Camps were both fixed locations with long term quarters and rolling camps using tents, wagons and camping equipment to move as the job progressed such as building roads or laying rails. Camps were appointed a warden, a “Boss or Captain and Whipping Boss”. Census records prior to 1910 most often list convict duties as cutting cord wood or mining. Great quantities of wood were necessary for making charcoal and firing the iron furnaces in the area.

As the lease system grew and chain gangs sprang up, so too did complaints and protests around the state emerge to abolish the practice. Bartow took a leading role in protesting the chain gang system. Among local leading voices were Bartow’s own Rebecca Felton, former Confederate General William Wofford, former Sam Jones Methodist Church Pastor General C. A. Evans and Judge Claude Pittman all wishing to extinguish the horrible institution called “Georgia’s Peculiar System”. General Evans became the state Prison Commissioner and testified at the 1908 Sugar Hill hearing that the lease system is radically wrong and needed reform.

On balance, the newspapers found in this research carried both sensational stories of mismanagement, filth and cruelty as well as positive reports on how well camps were conducted. The local papers often featured articles on road repairs and were complimentary of the quality of work. Frequently Grand Jury site visits determined acceptable conditions and satisfied prisoners, but also would cite areas for needed improvements. Chain gangs operated in a variety of capacities throughout the county in known and little-known locations. They were classified as County Misdemeanor camps or State Felony camps. Generally, reports included the number of prisoners, health, diet, sanitation, tools, number of sick or injured, escapes, budget, number of caged transport wagons (metal or wood), work wagons, livestock, road scrapers, negros vs white, male and female convicts and occasionally what work was being accomplished.  Jury reports too often omitted camp identity regarding names, number or location which made it very difficult to understand sites.  On several occasions reports would lean toward the abolishment of the chain gangs. However, the frequency and litany of reported abuses, hearings, deaths, whippings and investigations was painfully obvious.

During the February 1897 Grand Jury session, a full report was made of the Bartow Chain Gang Camp inspection. Matters were found to be in good order. However, the jury requested that a number of other bridge and road repairs be made and then asked the county to abolish the chain gang. In 1911 the Bartow Board of Commissioners voted to consolidate all the county chain gangs and to put them under one warden. Mr. H. K. Land was nominated and approved. However, no details were listed regarding the number or identity of camps.

The earliest documentation of chain gangs operating in Bartow County was in 1870 on the Cartersville Van Wert Railroad construction west of Cartersville and on the Hall Station Road. Newspaper articles referenced that smallpox had broken out in the Hall Station camp and doctors were dispatched to treat the prisoners.

The Cartersville and Van Wert (C&VW) Railroad was chartered in 1866 and 14 miles of track was completed by 1871, between Cartersville and Taylorsville using 100 convicts that had been leased from the state. (It is not certain if this was a rolling or fixed camp.) The railroad was plagued by shady management, unmet payrolls and reorganizations. As work progressed westward chain gang records appeared more in the Cedartown vicinity. As a result of corruption, by 1882 the road name had been changed to the Cherokee RR, followed by the East – West RR and now the remaining railroad bed is used to supply Plant Bowen (Georgia Power) with coal.

A second camp of 27 prisoners was established in 1919 on the Hall Station Road. The Grand Jury reported it was an ideal location and its operation was found in fine order. Surprisingly, the Jury stated it was too well equipped, over staffed, over stocked with farm animals, did not need motor trucks and recommended implements and some men be reallocated to other camps.

A Grand Jury report was made in August 1898 of the Bartow Chain Gang accounting for inventory and men. Items included 10 mules, 5 wagons, 3 road scrapers, harnesses and tools.

The force of men were 10 Negros and 8 white who were interviewed and found to be in good health and felt they were well treated. However, the tents were worn out and badly leaking.

Perhaps the three most notorious camps that operated in Bartow were the Bartow Iron Works Convict Camp near Emerson, Sugar Hill Camp near Pine Log Mountain followed closely by the 1942 Chain Gang Hill Camp west of Cartersville.

Sugar Hill Convict Camp

The Sugar Hill Convict Camp(s) were likely the most notorious operation in Bartow County. Located in north Bartow County northeast of White off East Valley Road in the upper Stamp Creek area at the base of Pine Log Mountain. It served an iron ore mining community and railroad operation that depended heavily on convict labor. This camp(s) operated from 1878 through 1909 when the Convict Lease System was abolished.

According to Dr. Crump’s correspondence, mentioned prior, there were eighteen different camps in Georgia in 1893. Four of these camps were in Dade County under one supervision and one camp of 51 convicts at camp Bartow (Sugar Hill). He refers to this location as nine miles north of Cartersville on the Rogers Railroad. These convicts were under Penitentiary #1, and lease control of the Dade Coal Company engaged in mining iron ore. Over time, as reports were submitted the number of convicts varied and companies in charge changed from Dade Coal to Georgia Mining and Manufacturing Company. An additional mention cites that I. B. RR. (Iron Belt RR Company) also had 23 convicts in 1899. His conclusion points to the convict lease labor system and mining companies as being key elements in who changed the Sugar Hill landscape around White, Georgia.

If by no other measure Sugar Hill was easily the most reported county camp in local and state newspapers regarding abuse and deaths. The August 1900 Grand Jury reported a list of mis-handlings at both the felony and misdemeanor camps that included self-inflicted wounds, severed toes, broken limbs, deaths, assaults, illnesses and crippling. They uncovered evidence of ill treatment, verbal abuse and a violation of no posted signage regarding rules and regulations for convict treatment. A scandal surfaced about paying wardens and guards under the table additional pay, supplements or bonuses beyond approved salaries.

According to newspaper articles and reported Grand Jury inspections Sugar Hill had both State and County camps in operation at this site. An inspection conducted July 24, 1902 found there were 84 state convicts and 53 county convicts working there. The same report included 48 convicts were at the Chumley Hill Mine. One prisoner was so badly injured that the attending physician recommended he be pardoned as he was paralyzed. On February 6, 1908 another inspection reported there were 76 state prisoners and 27 county prisoners at Sugar Hill. These reports validate that multiple camps operated simultaneously at Sugar Hill over a 30-year period.

The camp was hard labor, dangerous and a brutal private lease enterprise. Convicts were often poorly treated and inhumanely punished. Prisoners were frequently injured or killed in mining and rail accidents. Oral history supports a local legend of “Hangman’s Mountain” that was used as a sentence for violent or disobedient convicts who rebelled or committed aggression against guards or other prisoners. It was rumored that convicts would be taken to the mountain to either climb the steep cliff as punishment or simply to never return.

Prisoners complained of being ordered to perform work under hazardous conditions that put their lives at risk. Examples included being forced to work under heavy loading equipment, explosion zones, unstable mining cuts and overloaded train cars.

Cruel and lethal whippings would occur that often resulted in convict deaths. A charge of manslaughter was filed in 1900 against a Mr. Tomlinson for the whipping death of Mr. George Bankston. According to the investigation Bankston refused to work. A physician declared he was fit to work and following his refusal Mr. Tomlinson struck him with the strap 7 times. The next day he continued to refuse to work, and Tomlinson gave him 30 lashes and then 60 lashes on the third day.  Mr. Tomlinson ceased lashing him, however the convict was found dead on the fourth day. The incident escalated into a full investigation resulting in an involuntary manslaughter charge. The commission eventually exonerated Tomlinson.  

According to the August 13, 1905 Augusta Chronicle Deputy Warden J. W. Tierce at the Sugar Hill Camp was charged with the whipping death of a convict (Virgil Lidelle). The County Commissioner investigated the matter and heard statements from Joel Hurt owner, J. W. Tierce defendant and attorney Paul Akin, but to no satisfaction. The hearing resulted in the dismissal of Tierce and appointment of Mr. J. A. Carson as the new Warden.  A Grand Jury investigation was ordered and eventually Tierce was acquitted.

It was not uncommon at Sugar Hill to witness fights among convicts and guards or guards provoking altercations. In some cases, guards would order convicts to assault or allegedly kill another convict. On one occasion an unusually large negro convict sentenced for five murders refused to come out of a mining cut and declared he would kill anyone who came in after him. A smaller convict volunteered to bring him out. Both were armed with picks. The larger convict swung his pick and missed, but the smaller convict’s pick swing caught his opponent in the cheek penetrating through the jaw and neck proving a fatal blow. The large convict was made to stand up where he was further beaten and chained to a tree where he died shortly after.

Frequent escapes and accidents were typical at this camp. A fourteen year-old boy was killed in a rock crusher accident, another convict was crushed under the wheels of a locomotive, another convict had his legs severed by a train car and a trestle collapsed injuring several men when the ore cars tumbled down the bank. In February of 1900 five negros overpowered two guards and gained freedom with only one being recovered. An August 9, 1900 Grand Jury report printed in the American Courant cited numerous incidents regarding accidents and negligence. It was noted that tram ore cars had crushed feet and severed toes to an alarming rate, diet was absent from meat, guards were found to be abusive, profane and relied on the whip too often. In 1906, the Grand Jury inspected the work areas and cited unsafe conditions regarding loose rocks, unstable dirt banks and rest areas too close to dangerous cuts.

In 1905 a controversy surfaced around Bartow County Commissioner Henderson as he was questioned about the legality of holding both the post of Whipping Boss at Sugar Hill and that of County Commissioner. While no one seemed to question his honesty or good faith many doubted his propriety or good taste of holding both positions posing a conflict of interest. As a result, he resigned as Whipping Boss and all parties were satisfied.

In 1905 a Grand Jury visit was made to the Sugar Hill Camp and it was reported there were 49 negro prisoners, 20 whites, two negro women and one white woman. It was found the convicts were well fed, well clothed and well housed. It was observed that officers treated the convicts humanely along with the sick and feeble. Convict ages ranged from 14 to 52 years old.

Bartow Iron Works Convict Camp

The Bartow Convict Camp was a privately leased unit under the joint authority of Mr. Harris and Mr. Stegall. They contracted with the Tennessee Coal and Mining Company in 1875 to provide labor at the Bartow Iron Works.

Among Dr. Crump’s correspondence cited earlier he mentions that a lease was granted to J. T. and W. D. on April 1, 1874 for Bartow Iron Ore for 180 convicts at $11.00 per capita per annum. Later the force was expanded to 235. Shortly after they subdivided the camp among several counties to make brick, raising iron ore and working on the Elberton Air-Line Railroad.

The Bartow Iron Works was primarily an iron ore mining community about one mile south of Emerson that is now the Lake Point Sports campus. It was a treacherous place as a result of frequent train accidents, assaults and mining mishaps, but also became a hotbed of convict injuries, escapes, mistreatment, health issues and deaths.

An early incident was a conflict between William Moore the Convict Manager of the Iron Works when he reprimanded a white one-legged convict. The convict cursed Moore for the action and Moore slapped the convict resulting in the convict landing a fatal stab to Moore’s side.

Under the Harris and Stegall 1875 lease the Bartow Iron Works camp consisted of about 50 prisoners who were shackled, chained and housed in a group of wooden shanties. Atrocities there reached extreme levels regarding inhumane treatment, hygiene and sickness. Complaints forced the Governor to investigate the camp.

Governor J. M. Smith sent Dr. V. A. Taliaferro to the camp on two occasions to inspect the conditions. On his first visit he arrived late in the day to observe dinner and saw a disgusting meal service that was void of proper cleanliness. He was shocked to see the quantity and quality of food served. Convicts were seated in a circle around a pit and not permitted to wash.

Trustees carried a wooden bucket filled with fatty fried meat. Each convict held out their shovel to receive a scoop from the bucket followed by a trustee distributing bread and water. He found the meat to be poorly cooked and was informed the diet rarely changed. He learned the diet typically consisted of poor cuts of fatty pork, bacon, beef, molasses, bread, seasonal vegetables and water.

Dr. Taliaferro declared the camp cook, Sarah, to be the filthiest woman he had ever seen in his life. He inspected her and found her body unwashed and clothes to be infested with vermin.

His further inspection of the camp found frequent evidence of inhumane treatment, deaths, tales of harsh punishments, escapes, no fresh clothes and illness. Dr. Taliaferro found poor sleeping quarters filled with old straw and lice. He discovered diseases including scurvy, rheumatism, consumption, syphilis, diarrhea, frost bite, dropsy and old age disorders. His inspection uncovered little to no medical quarters nor supplies on site.

He examined their work schedule and found it to be comparable to regular mining employees and determined prisoners work no more or no less than paid laborers. However, he was not pleased with how restricted they were to water and instructed water to not be rationed nor out of reach.

At the conclusion of his second visit, Dr. Taliaferro recommended to the governor that the camp is bordering on a case of morality and should be closed. At his recommendation Governor Smith annulled the lease contract and asked Dr. Taliaferro to transfer the convicts to a location for treatment and preparation to be bid out to another leasee.

However, additional research discovered that subsequent chain gangs operated at the Bartow Iron Works. Following the disbanding of a camp in Cole City in 1896 by order of the Governor, 400 convicts were moved to new locations.  Governor Atkinson granted permission to establish a new camp in Emerson and named J. A. Bennet as whipping boss. An article on the health of state convicts in the Macon Telegraph reported that in 1901 there were 149 convicts working at the Bartow Mines. In 1908 seven convicts escaped and boarded a fast bound express train. Bloodhounds were used in tracking one convict who was apprehended in Rome, Georgia.

Roger’s Station Convict Camp

Rogers Station was a stop on the Western and Atlantic Railroad located in the vicinity of Iron Belt Road and Cassville Road north of Cartersville. This location also was the site of an iron furnace and mining operation.

In 1880 a committee was appointed by Judge McCutshen to visit the Roger’s Camp. The committee reported that there were 40 men mostly negros working along the railroad.

The men were housed in log buildings but slept in filthy bunks. Six men who claimed to be ill were chained to their bunks. Food rations were deemed sufficient allowing each man ¾ pound of meat daily, cornbread and vegetables as available. They began work at day light, took an hour and half lunch break and worked till sunset.

In July of 1880 The Macon Telegraph reported a dispute at the Roger’s Camp between two guards resulting in the shooting and killing of one of the guards. No charges were filed as the shooting was viewed as justifiable.

The Savannah Morning News reported on November 9, 1900 two convicts were killed on the Iron Belt Railroad while running from Rogers Station to the Sugar Hill mines. An officer also broke his shoulder in the accident.

Sundries (Reports,Services, Appreciations, Accidents)

In 1897 State Convict Camp Inspector Phill Byrd submitted a shocking report to the Governor regarding the state’s county misdemeanor camps (public and private). Byrd states he visited 51 chain gang camps containing 1,792 convicts. As a practice he made a rule to take each camp completely by surprise in order to discover the reality of conditions and treatment. His findings were graphic, horrific and quantitative regarding gender, personnel, race, ages, death rates, diet, methods of punishment and brutality. He reports briefly of visiting the Bartow camp and found all prisoners housed in floored tents year-round with good stoves and ample bedding.

Overall, his final report revealed harsh treatment, poor housing, poor hygiene, poor sanitation, illness and sickening smells across most camps.  He noted that county camps were more often operated slightly better than private. In most instances 90% of the convicts were black and about 1% female. Byrd concludes his report by comparing convict bondage was worse than slavery in many camps. He encourages the governor to systematize and regulate the institution and move it toward reform including finding milder punishments for lesser grades of crime.

Some news accounts reported that local ministers such as Rev. Dunbar would preach monthly to the Bartow County Camps, while other news reported that citizens would hold Sunday picnics with a wide spread of food expressing appreciation for the good work the convicts had done in their neighborhoods. In December of 1920, Rev. Dutton of the First Baptist Church held a Christmas service for the convict camp off of the Dixie Highway near Jones Mill. A sermon, meal and a present were given to each prisoner.

In 1922 the state reported it had 7,667 in the penal population. The report included prisoner illnesses, deaths and comparisons of previous prison populations.

It was not uncommon for newspapers to report varied accidents among the convict road projects. In particular there are several reports of train and dynamite injuries. One explosion was covered in detail that occurred at the Douthit Ferry Mountain near the iron bridge.

Grand Jury Reports

In February of 1912, the Grand Jury submitted an extensive report covering a vast number of topics. One of which was a visit to the convict camp (identity not listed) holding 48 prisoners and Pauper Farm stating only that bedding was in need of replacement. They accounted for mules, equipment, diet and budget. A rather poor report of the jail was included that requested repairs, clean out filth, improve garbage removal, increase daily funding to 0.50 cents per prisoner to provide for better meals and make exterior improvements to the facility.

A November 1912 report was made in the Cartersville News of an unusual site visit to several road projects on the same day to observe work at three locations. The first was in south Bartow on roads leading to Kennesaw to see a new method of using topsoil to build roadbeds that might be used in Bartow. This same day trip was followed by inspecting 9 inmates housed at the county Pauper Farm near White. Discussions centered around how well managed the farm is and the hope to move the farm nearer Cartersville. The jury continued on to Wolf Pen and then White where they found about 35 convicts doing satisfactory work on the dirt roads.

Honor System

In 1912, a forward-thinking Warden, Mr. Land supervising a county camp of 50 convicts introduced the Rule by Honor System. He abolished chains and shackles in return for good behavior and fair treatment. He established a set of rules and if any were broken the accused would have a fair trial among his fellow prisoners and punishment, if determined by his peers.  The prisoners were so grateful, not one escape has been attempted.

Dixie Highway Work (cover photo)

In 1913, the Bartow Chain Gang worked on the road between Cartersville and Emerson. The Georgia Peruvian Ochre Company provided fill dirt for the roadbed followed by a topping from the Bartow Iron Mine. The community and county were extremely pleased with the outcome.

In 1918 two reports appeared in the Bartow and Cartersville News reporting that Camps 1 & 2 (“Whites” and Adairsville) have been consolidated and moved to Adairsville. An inventory listed: twenty-seven inmates (8 white and 21 colored), twenty-four mules, one horse, eight hogs, two Nash trucks, nine two-horse wagons, three 99 steel plows, one Oliver plow, one concrete mixer, two road scrapes, one six horse scape, three drag scrapes and one gasoline engine.  At the old crossroads camp (Wofford Crossroads) the following stock remains in shacks: 10 mules, 13 hogs, 3 pigs, 7 bunks, apparel, 3 convict mobile steel cages, 7 wheel scrapes, blacksmith tools, 1 horse wagon, concrete mixer and a gasoline engine. The committee recommends that much of the surplus be sold and other items to be stored for future use.

Chain Gang Hill

The last residential chain gang to operate in Bartow County was known as Chain Gang Hill or Convict Hill west of Cartersville on highway 113. This camp was transferred from Dallas, Georgia and put under state management to complete the Rockmart Road project (Hwy 113). In the March 12, 1941 Tribune News Warden Ed Goble from Dallas reported that he would move the camp from Paulding consisting of 96 Negros, twelve guards and equipment. The article indicated that the Cartersville camp is one of thirteen camps maintained by the state. It operated between 1942 and 1944. Bartow County assisted in constructing the property consisting of a fenced compound of 5 or 6 wooden buildings composing prisoner quarters, commissary, separate mess halls for guards and prisoners, office, watch tower, supply shed, guard and Captain quarters. Much of the construction labor was provided by the prisoners. It held about 100 prisoners, 20 guards and arrived with a reputation of “Little Alcatraz.” There were frequent escapes, harsh treatment, rubber hose whippings and injuries. During its operation inmate population was reported to range between 47 to 100 men.

Correspondence acquired at the Georgia Archives revealed that Governor Arnall requested the Chairman of the State Board of Prisons to increase the number of convicts at several camps in order to expedite work. Cartersville was included to add ten men in this request. Documentation was found that listed the road project routes this camp was assigned to service consisted of: Highways 3, 20, 61, 113 and 140 totaling 110.3 miles of roadwork. However, its main purpose was completion of the Cartersville to Taylorsville (113 Hwy) road construction. Once the camp was established rumors of mistreatment emerged.

Georgia’s Chain Gang reputation attracted the attention of Life Magazine followed by a visit to the state including Bartow County’s Chain Gang Hill facility. While several camps in Georgia were featured, Bartow’s Camp was the leading story. Photography and interviews were witness to a harsh system that turned public opinion to demand the abolishment of the chain gang system.

On September 23, 1943, Senator Claude Pittman from Bartow county presented to the local Lions Club on “State Prisons offer a living hell to inmates.” He lectured that the senate committee on prisons had interviewed prisoners at the state highway camps and learned of harsh conditions and treatment. He lobbied strongly for its abolishment.

At the Chain Gang Hill camp, it was not uncommon for prisoners to walk off, escape or self-inflict injuries, slice tendons or break legs to avoid hard labor. In 1943, charges were made against Warden A. W. Clay for whippings, verbal and abusive treatment of camp prisoners.

The Senate Penitentiary Committee found that Clay and a seven foot, two-inch tall guard, Big Jim Bryant had falsely testified about concealing whippings and should also be wearing stripes. Following a Life magazine feature exposing harsh treatment at the Bartow camp Governor Ellis Arnall ordered that the camp be disbanded and prisoners to be transferred.

On August 31, 1943 additional documentation in the State Archives from Governor Arnall found that the Governor requested a report on the Bartow County Highway Camp investigation alleging mistreatment by Mr. A. W. Clay. This review resulted in the reinstatement of Mr. Clay without prejudice, free of fault and guilt. However, on orders of Wiley Moore, director of prison operations the camp was closed before the end of the year and prisoners were transferred to the Tattnall County prison.

Conclusion

Bartow County chain gangs were not unlike others that operated in the State of Georgia. In fact, there were news articles and state reports (good, bad and ugly) of even more ruthless and violent camps in South Georgia that used more torturous methods. It was not uncommon to find reports of sweat boxes, knotted whip straps, dogs set upon prisoners, convicts staked out in the sun, neglected infections, ankle spikes, shackles, prisoners suspended from trees or bound in contorted positions and food or water were withheld.

As a result of these abuses, Bartow County was singled out by a 1943 Life Magazine story. Additionally, a book and movie entitled, “I am a fugitive from a Georgia Chain Gang” by Robert Burns was published. These exposures drew attention to the mistreatment of convicts, embarrassed state officials and helped to demand change.

In light of a harsh penal system that existed for nearly a century, Bartow can boast of the many local and influential voices that championed the cause to abolish the entire state chain gang system. We pay tribute to those local heroes who advocated for the eradication of chain gangs and are saddened for those who suffered unnecessarily in a cruel, archaic system.

To read a companion article on the history of Chain Gang Hill click here:

The Legend of Chain Gang Hill – Joe F Head

Acknowledgement

This article would not have reached the detail and depth of history had it not been for EVHS member, Mr. Sam Graham. His generous contributions from personal files and his additional research efforts in searching digital newspaper sources made this a much richer work.  Thank you, Sam!

Bibliography
Note: Some article titles were not available or have been altered for formatting andspace

Books

Slavery by Another Name, Douglas Blackmon, January 2009

Newspapers

Greensboro Herald, The Cartersville & Van Wert Railroad, February 2, 1870
Cartersville & Express, Story of ride on the Cherokee RR to Taylorsville, August 15, 1891
Standard & Express, Communicated (Editorial), March 28, 1872
Savannah Morning News, Penitentiary Convicts, April 11, 1874
Georgia Weekly and Telegraph, Cartersville Telegram to Rome, Bartow Iron Works, July 6, 1875
Weekly Sumter Republican Americus, A Terrible Record, May 21, 1875
The Georgia Press, Georgia Governor abrogates lease, May 18, 1875
Cartersville Express, Notice of Convicts at Cherokee Railroad & Rogers Iron Works, April 8, 1880
The Free Press, Report of the Convict Committee, July 22, 1880
Macon Telegraph, Removal of 400 Convicts, August 5, 1896
Macon Telegraph, Health of Convicts Good, August 24, 1901
Atlanta Georgian and News, Seven Convicts Escape from Gang, April 15, 1908
Augusta Chronicle, Whipped to Death, August 13, 1905
Cartersville News, Kingston, May 17, 1906
Atlanta Georgian and News, The Holder Bill Gives us Five More Years of This, July 22, 1908
Atlanta Georgian and News, A Battle With Picks, July 30, 1908
Atlanta Georgian, Seven Convicts Escape, April 15, 1908
Marietta Journal, John Neill Killed at Sugar Hill, April 16, 1903
Northeast Georgian, The Penitentiary Convicts, April 11, 1874
Macon Telegraph, Conflict Between Guards, July 30, 1880
Macon Telegraph, Bartow Abolishes Chain Gain, December 27, 1895
Macon Telegraph, Removal of 400 Convicts, August 5, 1896
Courant American, Bartow Chain Gang Abolishment Recommended, February 4. 1897
Courant American, State Convict Camp County Chain Gang, August 4, 1898
Courant American, Mr. Tomlinson, May 4, 1899
Courant American, They Over Power Guards, February 15, 1900
Courant American, From the Grand Jury, August 9, 1900
Cedartown Standard, Tomlinson All Right, August 19, 1900
Courant American, Captain Tomlinson Friends, August 23, 1900
Savannah Morning News, Convicts Killed, November 9, 1900
Courant American, Sugar Hill and Chumler Hill Inspected, January 31, 1901
Cartersville News, White Convict Killed, Loses Legs, April 4, 1901
The News Courant, Convict Camps, July 24, 1902
Marietta Journal, John Neill Killed, April 16, 1903
Cartersville News, County Chain Gang, January, 26, 1905
Augusta Chronicle, Whipped to Death, August 13, 1905
Cartersville News, Henderson Resigns, May 18, 1905
Cartersville News, Chain Gang, November 15, 1906
Cartersville News, Convict Camps, February 6, 1908
Atlanta Georgian News, Convict Charges Leg was Crushed, July 27, 1908
Athens Weekly, The Statement, Wild Cat Camps, August 7, 1908
Atlanta Georgian, A Battle with Picks, July 30, 1908
Atlanta Georgian, The Holder Bill Gives us Five Years More, July 22, 1908
Atlanta Georgian, General C. A. Evans Admits Lease System is Bad, August 7, 1908
Cartersville News, Vote to Consolidate County Convict Camps, April 13, 1911
Cartersville News, Convicts Hurt by Dynamite Blast, February 2, 1911
Clayton Tribune, Picnic Celebration Dinner, October 6, 1911
Cartersville News, Bartow Grand Jury Recommends Bonds, February 6, 1912
The True Citizen, Convicts Ruled by Honor, August 31, 1912
Cartersville News, Splendid Work on Roads by Chain Gang, March 6, 1913
Cartersville News, County Chain Gang, May 5, 1918
Bartow Tribune, Two Convict Camps Consolidated, July 25, 1918
Bartow Tribune, Grand Jury Presentments, January 30, 1919
Bartow Tribune, Convict Camp, November 4, 1920
Bartow Tribune, Christmas Service, December 23, 1920
Bartow Tribune, County Road Gangs Does Good Work, April 14, 1921
Tribune News, Convict Camp Being Occupied, March 12, 1941
Tribune News, Convict Camp Location Insures Completion, January 8, 1942
Tribune News, Prisons Offer Living Hell to Inmates, September 23, 1943
Oakland Tribune News, Georgia Reforms Prison Camps, March 26, 1944
Miami News, Georgia Reforms Hell Camps, December 12, 1944

Articles, Correspondence, Reports and Exhibits

Georgia Senate Journal Minutes, State Penitentiary and Chain Gangs, November, 1866

Letter, Dr. William Crump, Who Changed the Landscape Around White, GA, February 8, 2006
Reinhardt University, Spirits of Log Mountain Exhibit, 2021 Dr. Donna Little
Etowah Valley Historical Society, The Legend of Chain Gang Hill , Joe F. Head, December 2000
Digital Library of Georgia selected photos
Life Magazine, Georgia Prisons – State Abolishes Old Abuses, November 1, 1943, pp 93 – 99
North Georgia Journal, A Look Back at The Chain Gangs, Gordon D. Sargent, Winter 1996
Report of Special Inspector of Misdemeanor Convict Camps of Georgia, 1897, Phill G. Byrd
Letter, Ellis Arnall Governor, Clem E. Rainey, Chair of State Board of Prisons, August 12, 1943
Letter, Ellis Arnall Governor, Clem E. Rainey, Chair of State Board of Prisons, August 20, 1943
Letter, Ellis Arnall Governor, Clem E. Rainey, Chair of State Board of Prisons, September 6, 1943
Executive Order, Ellis Arnall Governor, September 10, 1943
Digital Library of Georgia, UGA

Census Records

1880, US Census, Georgia, Bartow County, 822 District, June 26, Pages 43, 70, 71, 72, 73
1900, US Census, Georgia, Bartow County, (no location) Sheets 12, 13-A, 13-B, 14, 22
1910, US Census, Georgia, Bartow County, Pine Log District, April 23-25, Sheets number 2, 5
1910, US Department of Commerce Census, page 216
1920, US Census, Georgia, Bartow County, (no location) January 3, 1920, Sheet number illegible

Sam Graham

This brief paper covers the changes in Cartersville’s fire service from 1867, when there was no fire department, until 1918, when the fire service included a municipal water system, full-time professional firefighters and a motorized engine; the basics of the system which is still in use today.

Early Years

In the years following the Civil War, the citizens of Cartersville were in the process of rebuilding upon the ashes left by Sherman’s troops.  At 7:00 P.M. on January 4^th, 1867, fire broke out in one of the buildings on Main Street, west of the railroad tracks.  Several buildings were consumed by the flames, and the office of the local newspaper, the Express, which was in the path of the conflagration, was demolished in an attempt to stop the spread of the fire. The Express was soon back in business, and the issue of January 11, 1867 described the futile attempts of the citizens to fight the fire “without the aid of an engine and in the absence of an organized fire company”.  On April 27, 1870, another fire occurred, destroying the entire block of buildings on the west side of the depot.[i] Cartersville was still in need of an effective fire department.

In 1873, the City purchased the lot at the corner of Erwin Street and Church Street, “with the view of erecting thereon a Fire Engine and Market House on the first floor, and a City hall and Council Chamber on the second…”.[i]  A volunteer fire company was organized, a new hook & ladder was purchased, and a

building erected on the lot for the storage of firefighting equipment.  There was a bell tower, and in the event of a fire, the bell was rung to alert volunteers.[i]  In February of 1877, the company had dissolved, turning over their equipment to the City Council.  The Council immediately began efforts to organize another fire company.[ii]  Over the next 30 years, interest in the department fluctuated, and there were several reorganizations.  Lack of participation was a continual problem with the all-volunteer department,

and local leaders attempted to stimulate interest with various social events, including meetings, banquets, parades and competitions, or “tournaments”, with other departments.  In 1889, the City’s first water system was completed.  Prior to this time, Cartersville’s water sources consisted of wells, cisterns and springs.  The city never purchased a hand engine or steam engine, using only the hook & ladder, hose reels and hose carts; all hand-drawn equipment.  With these conditions, and having to rely on volunteers exclusively, results were unpredictable.  It wasn’t until 1909, when the city hired two men as firefighters, that an efficient & reliable firefighting force became a reality.

A Professional Fire Department

In August of 1905, the city council authorized the purchase of a wagon and two horses for the fire department.[i]  The wagon, which would serve as a hose wagon, arrived in November, 1905.  Built by G. W. Walker of Gainesville, Georgia, at a cost of $300, the wagon was to be stored in Bradley’s shop on West Main Street until a team of horses could be purchased.[ii]  The wagon was still in storage, in the Anderson Livery stable, in November of 1908, when Sheriff T. Warren Tinsley traveled to Indianapolis, Indiana, & purchased a pair of horses.  According to the Cartersville News, November 19, 1908, “They are a magnificent pair of dark bays, four and five years old, weighing twelve hundred pounds or more and measuring something like sixteen hands in height.  Everybody who has seen them pronounces them a splendid pair of animals and seemingly fitted to the work.”   The city rented a small building on Erwin Street, south of the Anderson Livery, from Dr. Thomas Baker to serve as a fire station.  It was equipped with a “Hall’s patent harness”, which hung overhead, and was lowered onto the horses when the fire alarm sounded.[iii]  The Council hired two men, Cartersville’s first paid firemen.  They were Gideon W.

Hendricks, fireman, and Will Haney, driver.  Living quarters were prepared in the rear of the station, and

the firemen remained on duty around the clock.[i]

In February, a telephone was installed, and the City’s fire protection was made even more efficient.  Residents now had only to dial 38 to report a fire.  The two men on duty would respond immediately and begin fighting fire, receiving assistance from the volunteers who responded.[i]  The wagon carried some 1200 feet of hose, ladders, chemical extinguishers (soda & acid) & tools.[ii]  A hook & ladder was still in

service, as well as the hose reels.  Presumably, these were still stored at the old Church St. station, given the limited space on Erwin Street.

On April 1, 1909, the Cartersville City Council elected Gideon W. Hendricks the fire chief, making him Cartersville’s first professional fire chief.[i]  Hendricks, age 31, only stayed with the department a few months, possibly a year.  The 1910 census, taken in April, shows him living at the home of his father, Judge George W. Hendricks, on Bridge St. (Etowah Dr.), with the occupation of “brakeman”.[ii]

In 1910, Hoyt Hazlewood was hired as driver and Albert A. McEver as fireman.[iii]  The photo of Hazlewood & McEver (below) illustrates the chemical extinguishers in use at the time.  The gong located below the feet of the men, served as a warning, much the same as sirens on modern fire apparatus.  Nothing certain is known about the two dogs pictured, but the Cartersville News of July 10, 1913, reported that, while en route to a fire, “the fire wagon ran over and killed ‘Blitz’ the pet dog of the fire boys.  This was indeed a sad loss, as the little dog had been a pet around the fire house for the past four years and in the past few months had become so well trained as to run errands for the boys, such as bringing and carrying articles to and from the fire house which they desired sent or brought.  The little dog was buried yesterday morning in the rear of the fire house building and numbers and numbers of people have called by and expressed their sympathy to the boys in the loss of their little pet.”

Bruce Wofford replaced McEver in 1911.  His employment seems to have been cut short by an injury sustained while on duty.  On Wednesday, June 14, 1911, while working in the feed room at the fire house, Wofford fell several feet and injured his left side.[i]  He doesn’t appear on subsequent fire records for the year, and his position was filled by volunteer Henry Collins in January, 1913.[ii]

At a meeting of the fire department in February of 1911, Walter R. Satterfield was unanimously elected chief of the department.  Satterfield was a veteran of the volunteer department, having been a member since the 1880’s, and having served in the position of chief in the 1890’s.  He had also served the city as
alderman, as well as having interests in the mining industry.[iii]

1914 began with Satterfield being reappointed to the position of chief, and Hazlewood & Collins as paid firemen.[i]  Notable fires for the year were the almost total loss of Judge Watkins’ house on Douglas St., a fire at the Seaboard Depot and the Stanford Brothers’ store & bakery on Main St.[ii]

In February of 1915, the city of Chatsworth was in the process of organizing a fire department, and purchased from Cartersville one of the old hand reels.  Chatsworth’s chief also expressed interest in the old hook & ladder, but the record is unclear as to whether he purchased it.[iii]  It appears that the success of Cartersville’s fire department had rendered the old hand-drawn equipment from the all-volunteer days obsolete.

In the Spring of 1915, Cartersville received a reduction of 15% to 20% in its insurance rates when the City’s fire risk was reassessed by a representative of the Southern Underwriters Association.[iv]  This was due in part to the two paid firemen and other improvements made in the fire department.

In 1916, Hoyt Hazlewood was named Fire Chief, a 2-year appointment.[v]

In May, 1917, the new City Hall building at the corner of North Erwin Street and West Church Street was completed. The fire department moved into the new building, but the horses and wagon would only occupy it for a few months.[i]

In April, 1918, the City accepted delivery of a new Model 75 American LaFrance pumper.[i]  This was Cartersville’s first motorized fire apparatus, and for the first time, the department was able to produce its own water pressure for firefighting. Manpower was increased to three firefighters (including the Chief). Judson O. Eaves was hired to operate the new pumper, and served as Chief until 1923.[ii]

[1] Columbus Daily Sun (Columbus, Georgia) April 30, 1870, GenealogyBank, WWW

[1] The Standard and Express (Cartersville, Georgia), January 23, 1873, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS (Etowah Valley Historical Society)

[1] The Standard and Express (Cartersville, Georgia), January 30, 1873, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­City of Cartersville Council Proceedings, February 7, 1877, Cartersville City Hall

[1] ­­­­­City of Cartersville Council Proceedings, March 5, 1877, Cartersville City Hall

[1] Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), August 10, 1905, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), January 21, 1909, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), January 21, 1909, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), February 18, 1909, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] Sanborn Map of Cartersville, Georgia, March, 1909

[1] ­­­­­Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), April 8, 1909, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] 1910 United States Census, Bartow County, Georgia, Ancestry.com, WWW

[1] ­­­­­Graham, Sam. CFD Rosters Compiled from Fire Report Books, Paid. MS Word file.

[1] ­­­­­Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), June 15, 1911, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), January 2, 1913, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), February 9, 1911, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­The Bartow Tribune (Cartersville, Georgia), January 8, 1914, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] The Bartow Tribune , (Cartersville, Georgia), September 10, 1914, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), February 8, 1915, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­Cartersville News (Cartersville, Georgia), March 11, 1915, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] ­­­­­The Bartow Tribune (Cartersville, Georgia), January 6, 1916, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] The Bartow Tribune (Cartersville, Georgia), May 10, 1917, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

[1] The Bartow Tribune (Cartersville, Georgia), April 18, 1918, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS [1] ­­­­­The Tribune-News (Cartersville, Georgia), May 3, 1923, Microfilmed Newspapers, EVHS

A man out of slavery overcoming and achieving the extraordinary.

Sponsored By: Etowah Valley Historical Society

Date: 8/28/2019

Written By:

Alexis Mazique
Chistopher Mazique

Field Supervisors:

 Joe Head
Sam Graham

Acknowledgments

First and foremost, we are indebted to Mr. Sam Graham who rediscovered Henry Clay Smith. He not only found this forgotten son of Bartow County, he worked tirelessly uncovering facts, public records, countless number of days of searching through leads that led him to even more facts. We can honestly say that without Sam laying the foundation, this paper would not have be possible.

A special word of thanks goes to Mr. Joe Head for allowing and guiding this father-daughter team through the process of writing on Henry Clay Smith. The experience is one that has given us the opportunity to explore the rich history of this area together. We appreciate the opportunity EVHS has provided to discover this fascinating person and Mr. Head’s coaching us on how to compose this project.

We would also like to thank Mrs. Alexis Carter who words of encouragements energized us. Your work in Cartersville does not go unnoticed. Thanks for being a great role model and advisor.

Finally, we dedicate this to Henry Clay Smith for the wonderful life that he lived.

Henry Clay Smith

An Unknown Bartow Child of Slavery Destined to Diplomatic Prominence

Early Life of HCS

Henry Clay Smith (Smith) was born into slavery on January 3, 1856 in Bartow County, Georgia. ⁱ He lived with his mother, Mary Johnson a slave. He also lived with his Stepfather and half-siblings. ⁱⁱⁱ His biological father is unknown. During this time, the people would have been dealing with the aftermath of the Civil War. The period for Reconstruction was beginning. It was a hard period for all southerners in this region. It could be said that for the citizens of northwest Georgia, it was a time of poverty and suffering. To be an African American during this time would have been much worse.

It seems that his family was freed when he was around 6 years old most likely due to the Emancipation Proclamation. They moved from Georgia to Chattanooga, Tennessee. At this time, Chattanooga, Tennessee was considered the negro’s Mecca. The family made this move due to opportunities in Chattanooga. He and his family worked on a farm for many years. During this time, Smith had somehow received a basic education.

Education of HCS

Smith had attended Roger Williams University in 1878 at the age of 22. ^iv It was noted that he participated in college debates and demonstrated his bias for democratic teachings. This was unusual because the democratic parties view towards African-Americans during this time was not favorable. They did not support the expansion of voting rights for African-Americans, and often tried to prevent them from voting.

He married Lizzie Winfield on January 1, 1884 in Haywood county, Tennessee (Figure 1). ^v In March of 1884, Smith was the first African-American to pass the civil service examination. ⁱⁱ On July, 22 1884, He received a civil service position as a Clerk, Class 1 in the office of the 6^th Auditor of the Treasury department in Washington D.C. It was noted that Smith received this Clerkship without the help of any politician. Smith continued to further his education at Howard University. There he enrolled in a course of Law.

Smith completed the course of Law at Howard University (Figure 2). ^ix He was asked by the Auditor to resign his position as clerk but resisted. He felt as if the request was politically motivated and had nothing to do with his work performance.

Smith eventually resigned his position as Clerk on August 1 1889. ^x Leaving Washington, he moved back to Chattanooga to practice law and he started the newspaper, “The Agitator” releasing the first print on September 25, 1889. ^xi The following year he moved to Birmingham, Alabama where he continued to practice law and publishing The Agitator. He also got involved in the local politics supporting the Democratic party. He eventually became the president of the Afro-American Democratic League of Alabama. ^xiv

Political life of HCS

While Smith was in Washington D.C he became active in the Democratic Party. He continued to work for the Democratic party while in Birmingham as the President of the Afro-American Democratic League of Alabama. While in Birmingham, he was instrumental in aiding Congressman Turpin’s campaign. In return for his assistance, Congressman Turpin introduced Smith to President Cleveland. ^xiv Smith’s sound sense and diplomacy at once attracted the President. On March 7, he wrote a letter to the Assistant Secretary of State requesting to become the Minister of Liberia (Figure 3). ^xv

Smith sought the post as Minister of Liberia, but was later re-appointed to United States Consul to Toamasina, Madagascar. ^xvii He was to replace a Republican Consul, John L. Walter, from the previous administration. Smith has been an unfaltering Democrat for years, and the appointment was a recognition of his services in the democratic ranks. By July 1, 1893, he was then re-assigned to the post of Consul to Santos, Brazil. ^xviii The reason given for this change is that Smith’s talents would be better used in Brazil. At this time Brazil and the United States were conducting more trade. Smith was to replace Consul Berry who had gone missing for the previous three months amid reports of a yellow fever epidemic in which thousand were reported ill. Between two to three hundred people were dying each day. It was believed that Berry had ether died or fled his post. The U.S. government nor Berry’s family could contact him. Some newspapers reported that nearly all African-American appointments were to places where death awaited the appointee. Despite the risk, Smith took the assignment. He was supported by a large Democratic delegation who were determined to see the appointment go through. He had very strong political ties that supported and respected him.

Smith’s duties were consular as well as judicial. By October 1894 he had completed the “Handbook of Brazil”. He planned to be in the United States the following November to hand it in to a publisher. While serving as Consul to Brazil, Smith was praised for helping Americans conduct business. Brazil was becoming one of the most important commercial countries in South America. There were many people moving into the city of Santos. With lack of housing, opportunity was growing very rapidly in the construction industry. New railroad lines were being constructed. New roads were being built to connect the city to other places that were growing as well. Many American investors were encouraged to invest because of the high return on their money. However, the charge for docking there was extremely high. Nearly all ships were heavily fined for breaking very strict port regulation. It was reported by E.A. Armstrong, Master of the W.R. Hutchings, that all American ships had their fines remitted thanks to Smith. Smith used his skills as a Lawyer and diplomatic tact to have the fines dismissed. The United States government received many such reports praising Smith’s work as the consul to Santos Brazil.

Smith returned back to the United States sometime in November of 1894. While home, he visited many African American churches and venues. In December 1894, he gave a lecture titled “The Negro in Brazil” at the Metropolitan A.M. E. Church in Washington DC. Smith talked of seeing blacks in Brazil who were considered respectable members of society. He heard of one particular man who was born into slavery only to purchase his freedom. The ex-slave then went on to practice law. The Brazilian Bar Association there had placed a painting of him in the halls of the local court house after his death. Smith interacted and met black Captains, Colonels and Generals in the Brazilian Army. He commended the self-reliance of the black people of Brazil. Smith, on a few occasions, spoke along with Fredrick Douglas.

In helping the American investors avoid penalties and fees, Smith paid a high political price. It was not long before he started receiving criticisms. After the criticisms started, he submitted his letter of resignation (Figure 4). ^xx Smith stated in his resignation that he planned to help another Democrat in a political campaign. His resignation was accepted and Smith returned home.

Personal life of Smith

Smith and his wife had 5 children, 2 boys and 3 girls. During his last year in office, Smith was accused of not properly caring for his family (Figure 5). His wife had applied to associated charities for aid. On October 30, 1897 the courts removed the 4 children, the oldest had been removed a few days before, and sent them to live with his wife’s family in Brownsville, Tennessee. After his wife left him, Smith relocated to New York. The judge stated to the Washington Bee that it is a Godsend that we have such an institution to take care of the children. It was a sad scene that was keenly felt by him.

Religious life of Smith

Smith became a Baptist Minister and was very active with the concerns of the African-American community. He worked with other religious and civil leaders to promote freedom and equality. Many of his lectures were in Churches involving the development of the Black man as well as equality and the race problem. From the beginning Smith realized that the land in which they lived was controlled by the white race. He also believed that the black man would be respected and eventually treated as equal by demonstrating his hard work and intellect. The church was a place where the black community could come together in a welcoming environment to improve the lives of many African-Americans.

He soon helped to establish “The National Mutual and Industrial Order”. ^xxi The purpose of this educational organization was to provide job skills to African-Americans who wanted employment opportunities. During this time many African-Americans were beginning to migrate to the north in search of employment and better treatment by society. Training was provided in the area of Domestic help, Butlers, Chauffer and other careers. Offices were established through-out the northeastern and southeastern states.

Smith also helped found “The New York State Association of Colored Voters” (NYSACV). ^xxii This organization held meetings that were closed to the public. The politicians became uneasy by this idea and began to express concerns. The NYSACV wanted to collect the black vote and support the political party that addressed most of the black community’s concerns. This was the start of a shift in Smith’s thinking and acting. In the past he had only supported the Democratic party. In doing so, he was given support in return. Now he was promoting that both parties should work to get the black vote. The NYSACV insisted on conducting the meeting behind closed doors to allow the participants the opportunity to freely express their views and concerns. Smith toured the state and organized more than forty-five cities and towns. This took him through twenty-five counties. He was targeting areas where there were large numbers of black voters. He had to now work with people who were strictly Republicans supporters. He had to convince the voters to be willing to support the Democratic party if they were willing to agree to the NYSACV’s proposal. They were able to deliver over 20,000 votes for that local election. At this time, there existed other political organizations that worked with ether the Democratic or the Republican parties. The New York State Association of Colored Voters said that they would no longer consistently support only one party.

The other important issue that NYSACV addressed was the education of black voters. The idea was to educate the community on the value of wealth. NYSACV believed that by placing importance on maximizing the wealth in the community will lead to a new found self-respect and result in being respected by other races. The condition of the whole community is more important than the poor people who were looking to sell their vote for financial profit. The condition of the whole community was more important than any wealthy black person who despised the poor. There was also lots of emphasis placed on respecting the black woman in particular. It was clear that NYSACV were not against any political party. The philosophy was intended to improve the lives of all in the black community by pooling together the voting power. It was hoped that the actions of NYSACV would result in equality in the northern states as well as southern states.

Smith became president of the Staten Island Domestic Training School. ^xxiii The school offered a six-month training program to prepare black men and women with the skills needed to work after migrating to the north. It was meant to address the problems that many African-Americans faced after migrating to the north only to find it difficult to find gainful employment. The school had multiple campuses in the north and the south. Some of the topics covered in the program included: How to select good meats, fruits and vegetables, basic arithmetic, cooking, how to prepare drinks, house repair, cleaning, hygiene, reading, spelling, writing and black history in America. Smith used his alliance with both African-Americans and whites to solicit financial assistance in the form of investments in the school. He skillfully explained how investing in the school would benefit all members of society. He readily worked with both black and white churches to ask that collections be taken up to support this cause. The funds were used to establish buildings, dormitories and schoolrooms.

Late in 1902, Smith traveled to Long Branch, New Jersey where he acted as a delegate to the “Afro-American Baptist Association” ^xxviii. Three days later, he was having supper with friends at a boarding house when he experienced chest pains and excused himself. He was later found dead in the back yard of the boarding house. The cause of death was due to an affection of the heart. His funeral was held at the Second Baptist Church in Eatonton New Jersey. He was remembered as a scholar of remarkable intellectual ability, being at one time consul to Brazil under former President Grover Cleveland. He was the master of several languages. He was laid to rest in White Ridge cemetery.

The contributions of Smith

With the passing of to the Emancipation Proclamation, many African-Americans began to discuss the best path forward. Two views rose to the top of the discussion. The views of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois were very popular. Booker T. Washington believed that if the black people would demonstrate their excellence through work and character, then the white man would accept them. On the other hand. W.E.B. Dubois believed that African-Americans should protest for equal rights. This was a huge debate between peace and protest.

Early in Smith’s life, he seemed to practice the philosophy of Booker T. Washington. This was demonstrated in his decision to join the Democratic party. He formed political alliances with powerful whites. This may have enabled him to solicit the backing and support needed to allow him to be appointed to public office. He also founded “The Christian National Mutual and Industrial Order.” The purpose of this organization was to provide training to all black people who wanted various jobs in domestic or professional positions.

Later in Smith’s life he seemed to practice the philosophy of W.E.B. Dubois. This was demonstrated by his insistence that political parties work to get the black vote. He also helped form a secret political society that discussed and proposed topics that should be addressed before the black vote would go to them. The formation of this secret society made many whites very nervous. He also was the Director of the New York State Association of Colored Voters.

The New York Times stated, “he had succeeded, after making a tour of the state, in organizing in more than forty-five cities and towns covering twenty-five counties, where there are colored voters.” ^xxii His association is like the Italian, German, and Irish associations. “Our meetings are all secret, because we discuss and talk over matters that could not very easily be discussed in public. We have not yet determined what party we will support. That will be for the convention to determine.”

Many politicians were suspicious of the association due to the secret meetings and the constant change of party support. When Smith started the organization, he pointed out that the organization had no grievances against any political party. ”If this is a Democratic platform, “said Mr. Smith, “make the most of it. If it is Republican, make the most of it.” ^xxiv He believed that if it was not for the laws of oppression that there would not be growth where there once was idleness and poverty. “The salvation of the black man is in his own hands.” ^xxiiv Smith states.

Bibliography

i           NARA Record Group 59, Box 80, letter dated March 7, 1893, HCS to President Grover Cleveland.

ii          The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee) July 29, 1884, Newspapers.com. Web.

iii         Ancestry.com. 1870 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA

iv         The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee) July 29, 1884, Newspapers.com. Web.

v          Marriage record, State of Tennessee, Haywood County, January 1, 1884, Ancestry.com. Web.

vi         Pittsburg Dispatch (Pittsburg, Pennsylvania) July 24, 1889, Chroniclingamerica.loc.gov. Web.

vii         Ibid.

viii        Chattanooga Daily Commercial August 7, 1885, Chattanooga Newspapers, chattanooga.advantage-preservation.com. Web.

ix          Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Howard University from March, 1887 to March, 1888,    Howard University Catalogs. Web.

x          Pittsburg Dispatch (Pittsburg, Pennsylvania) July 24, 1889, ChroniclingAmerica.loc.gov. Web.

xi          Jacksonville Republican (Jacksonville, Alabama) October 12, 1889, Newspapers.com. Web.

xii         Montgomery Advertiser January 13, 1893. Newspapers.com. Web.

xiii        Huntsville Weekly Democrat (Huntsville, Alabama) August 20, 1890. Newspapers.com. Web.

xiv        The Montgomery Advertiser January 13, 1893. Newspaper.com. Web.

xv         NARA Record Group 59, box 80, letter dated March 7, 1893, HCS to President Grover Cleveland.

xvi        The Brewton Leader (Brewton, Alabama) April 4, 1893. Newspapers.com. Web.

xvii       NARA Record Group 59, Box 28, Card Record of Appointments.

xviii      NARA Record Group 59, Box 28, Card Record of Appointments.

xix        Alabama Beacon (Greensboro Alabama) June 28, 1893. Newspapers.com. Web.

xx         Jersey City News October 12, 1896. Genealogybank. Web.

xxi        Richmond Planet (Richmond, Virginia) August 28 1897. Virginiachronicle.com. Web.

xxii       New York Times, July 25, 1900. Newspapers.com. Web.

xxiii      The American Kitchen Magazine April-September, 1902. Google Books. Web.

xxiv      Denver Rocky Mountain News, March 5 1902. ChroniclingAmerica.loc.gov. Web.

xxv       Long Branch Record (Long Branch, New Jersey) October 31, 1902. Newspapers.com. Web

xxvi      Long Branch Record (Long Branch, New Jersey) November 7, 1902. Newspapers.com. Web.

xxvii     The Washington Bee (Washington DC) October 30 1897. Newspapers.com. Web.

xxviii     Long Branch Record (Long Branch, New Jersey) November 7, 1902. Newspapers.com. Web

xxiv      The Brooklyn Daily Eagle (Brooklyn, New York) August 8, 1900. Newspapers.com. Web

xxiiv     The Standard Union (Brooklyn, New York) August 8, 1900. Newspapers.com. Web

TINSLEY PARK                                             
Cartersville’s First Park and Golf Course                          

                                                                                                         The following article was published in The Tribune-News, June 27, 1929, under the title “Local Golf Course Has Important and Noticeable Niche in Sportdom”. As wheels of progress turned their cycles towards greater industry and business for Cartersville and Bartow County, they made an extra revelation in order that sports and recreation might be included in the assets of which this section is justly proud. Bitten by the “golf bug” that seems to have been rampant in the nations a few years ago, a number of Cartersville enthusiasts in 1925 combined to form the Cartersville Golf Club which started off with 20 charter members. Since established the club has risen to be one of the most popular organizations in the vicinity and now ranks on par with all other civic groups of the community. In 1925 there was no course in “Cartersville, but the club members, determined to have one, secured the loan of propriety from the city and developed it. Nine holes were completed that year, but the roughs and greens were almost inseparable and alike. However, Rome was not built in a day and neither was a golf course. As time passed, the members sought to improve the course that had been so ably designed by H. R. Womelsdorf. No change has been made in his plan, but from time to time the course has been so improved that it has been claimed by many to be one of the best in North Georgia. Fuzzy Woodruff, sports writer for the Atlanta Journal, after a pleasant round in which he swung not so many times, pronounced his opinion that the course was splendid.

                                                                                                                                           Today [1929] the nine hole course covers 30 acres and has a par of 34, which has been broken several times, notably by L. O. Bishop, the club champ and A. G. White, Jr., both of whom have journeyed around in 32. The club now has 60 members. It is distinctive that the local course has been honored with three holes in one all of which to the layman is nothing but so much Chinese. But to the follower of the little white sphere, it is but his highest ambition and to the club it’s a thing that comes but once in a lifetime and to the skilled wearer of the knickers and sox it’s nothing more than a pleasant mishap caused by the hand of kind fate. J. H. Calhoun was first president of the club. He was followed by O. T. Peeples and W. J. Weinman who now heads the organization. T. J. Champion is a director and one of the outstanding members, having been partly responsible for the great progress made. END of TRIBUNE-NEWS ARTICLE.

                                                                                                                                                                                Now in the current year of 2019 more to this story is known and able to be shared. Across Tennessee Street, a house which is now the law firm of Archer & Lovell, overlooked the golf course and was owned by Mr. and Mrs. George Washington Brooke. Mrs. Brooke was the former Emily Jones, sister of Robert Purmedus Jones, father of Robert Tyre “Bobby” Jones, the most famous golfer of his time. Bobby visited his aunt on occasion, however never found time to play the Cartersville course. He did encourage his aunt to learn the game and even left a complete set of his old clubs for her use, however she never took up the game. A group of local golfers including Milton Fleetwood, publisher of the local paper, and Mr. and Mrs. Brooke attended an exhibition round of golf played by Bobby Jones in Canton. They hoped he would come to Cartersville and do the same, however his time did not allow it. The 1925 Cartersville Course was built on land occupied by the newly formed Bartow County Fair Association in 1914 which was south of Cartersville, bordered by South Erwin Street to the west, Cook Street to the north, Tennessee Street and the Railroad to the east and Old Mill Road to the south. The Fair had previously been located since 1869 on 40 acres owned by the City of Cartersville north of town along the west side of Cassville Road from the Railroad to Pettit’s Creek (site now occupied by Self Recycling). The Bartow County Fair moved to its new and current home in Cartersville during the fall of 1948 surrounding the newly erected American Legion House and Memorial facing Martin Luther King Drive, formerly Moon Street. Originally the Legion used the site occupied now by the Market Square Shopping Center (Hobby Lobby and Big Lots) for the Fairgrounds up until 1972. Since that development, the Fair uses their remaining grounds for the annual Fair.

                                                                                                                           Cartersville High football established in 1909 played at first on Jones Field to the west side of the old High School (formerly Sam Jones Female College fronting Cherokee Avenue/Field now paved over). Play was moved to the Fairgrounds in 1914, though no permanent stadium was ever built as the site was of multi-purpose use. The Cartersville City Council did approve seating for 500 in 1948 after the announcement of the Fair’s move, however several citizens of the time did not remember any permanent seating. Cartersville High football moved to its current home on East Church Street in 1955, bordering the new high school whose doors opened in 1952. The new stadium was named for Andy Weinman, former Cartersville coach and one of its largest supporters.

 

The Fairgrounds became Cartersville’s Municipal Park in 1920, named for T. W. Tinsley, Fair Association President who became Mayor two years later. A swimming pool followed in 1923 and the golf course in 1925. A baseball field and tennis courts were added in time. Certain citizens worked with The City of Cartersville and Chamber to expand its industrial base around 1950 and the old Fair Grounds were selected as a future industrial park. The Fair was now gone and the Golf Course was behind the times with its design and sand greens. Its tees & greens were arranged around the parks perimeter with fairways crossing in the middle which created a pedestrian obstacle especially when other activities were taking place. For those who are uneducated on the subject of sand greens, golfers putt on sand rather than grass. These were quite common in the old days as modern golf course science was in its infancy. The sand was oiled to provide a consistent putting service and to prevent weeds and erosion, however play required the use of a strait edged rake to provide a smooth surface on which to putt. The golf course, pool and tennis courts by most accounts were abandoned when the land was offered for development. Golfers in particular began playing in other surrounding communities such as Rome, Rockmart and Cave Springs. Football continued up to 1955. Tennis courts, pool and the baseball field were later moved to the land surrounding the new Cartersville High School. With the development of Dellinger Park in 1976, a new home was found for the tennis courts and pool and since that time Cartersville has steadily moved forward with recreational facilities in numerous locations to meet the needs of a growing population. The old baseball field at the high school was moved to the sports complex on Sugar Valley Road not to many years ago. The City’s industrial plan paid off in 1954 with the commitment of Cartersville Undergarment as its first industry in the new industrial park. Golf did return to Cartersville in 1954 with the founding of the Cartersville Country Club. Next was Green Valley Greens, a privately owned public play course in 1969. Last was the City owned Golf Course “Royal Oaks” in 1971 which is now known as Woodland Hills and privately owned for use by both members and the public. Tinsley Park and the old Fairgrounds are now just a memory which is fading away with time, however it once brought so much joy to a growing community.

Compiled by Guy Parmenter 

Bibliography                                                           

Cartersville Centennial 1872-1972 Publication                                                                                                           Cartersville Public Schools Centennial 1888-1988 Publication                                                                       

Interview with Dave Tillman featured on Perspective with Hershel Wisebram                                                      

Notes by Alan Riley on the History of the Cartersville Country Club                

Personal Conversations with Hal Cook and Mike Cook                                                                                           

The Weekly Tribune, March 18,

1948                                                                                                                            
The Tribune-News, June 27, 1929                                                                               Bartow Tribune, October 8,1914                                                                                

Weekly Tribune News, April 22, 1948                

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